David Broockman
dbroockman.bsky.social
David Broockman
@dbroockman.bsky.social

Day job = Associate Prof. of Political Science at UC Berkeley. Tweets = personal views.

Political science 42%
Communication & Media Studies 19%

Reposted by David Broockman

Still thinking about this article. It’s always been a sore spot in YIMBY circles that so many progressive foundations pour money into NIMBYism, and I’m glad it’s finally being aired in public. Keep talking about it. www.insidephilanthropy.com/home/philant...
Philanthropy Needs to Pick a Side on the Housing Construction Debate
Despite California’s severe housing shortage, foundations are still funding on the wrong side of the housing fight there, guest author Ned Resnikoff writes.
www.insidephilanthropy.com

You can read the full paper here: osf.io/kz4m8

We look forward to hearing everyone's feedback!
OSF
osf.io

We don't claim homeowner self-interest or NIMBYism don't matter.

But our findings suggest that "fear of an ugly America" is an underrated driver of the housing crisis and could contribute to what has been called NIMBYism. Addressing it could unlock new support for more housing.

Second, this explains why "missing middle" housing or upzoning commercial strips is often more politically feasible than general upzoning. It respects the voter's desire for visual congruence—putting taller buildings where they "look right."

What are the potential policy implications?

First, design matters. If the YIMBY movement wants to build broad coalitions, it cannot ignore aesthetics. Policies that ensure better design or "fitting in" (like form-based codes) might reduce political friction.

To provide a different kind of causal leverage, we also tested this with video. Watching a short clip that framed modern "boxy" architecture as ugly reduced support for upzoning. Aesthetic complaints create opposition to supply-side reforms.

These judgments are *sociotropic*. Voters didn't just oppose ugly buildings on their own block; they opposed policies that would allow "ugly" buildings anywhere. Just as people support redistribution for the "greater good" they support aesthetic regulation for the "greater good"

These are the building designs we used in the second experiment.

NB: I used to live in building (b), and it passed SF's design review. Voters hate it and don't want to approve housing like it! Maybe our design review processes should be better.

In a second vignette, we showed respondents images of buildings.

The results also confirm that both visual appeal and fit in context powerfully drive support for housing, and seemingly far more than affordability concerns.

The drop in support from the project being "on your block" is half the size of it being in a non-dense vs. already-dense area elsewhere

Perhaps part of why single family homeowners oppose local density isn't NIMBYism, but a widely shared view density should go in already-dense areas

We then ran an experiment varying attributes of a proposed building: taxes, parking, and the architect's design reputation.

Result 1: The aesthetic quality of the project was a massive driver of support--outweighing concerns about parking or tax revenue.

Result 2...

Is "aesthetics" just a pretext for excluding lower-income residents? We tested this by comparing support for apartments vs. similarly sized office buildings. If it was about residents, people should prefer offices. But they oppose offices even more. Physical structure matters.

How much does "ugliness" actually matter compared to other concerns? A lot.

We surveyed voters on various objections to housing. As Figure 3 shows, the belief that "Cities look nicer when they have fewer tall apartment buildings" is a top predictor of opposition.

This may explain the political success of "commercial corridor" upzoning policies (like CA's AB 2011). It's not just about avoiding NIMBY homeowners; it's that voters view density as aesthetically appropriate in already-dense areas, regardless of where they personally live.

We found widespread support for 5-story apartments along commercial corridors (where they fit), but sharp opposition in single-family neighborhoods (where they clash).

Even people who live in dense areas support density more where they live than elsewhere!

We think two things are going on here:

1. People self-select into neighborhoods that match their aesthetic tastes. If you live in density, you likely have a "taste" for it.

2. Voters prefer development that "fits in" with the existing built environment....

As motivation, look at this puzzle

Existing theories predict homeowners in dense areas should be the biggest opponents of more density in already-dense areas--it's their backyard!

But homeowners on corridors are actually *most* supportive of AB 2011-style upzoning of corridors!

We propose a third explanation: Sociotropic Aesthetic Judgments.

Voters form automatic judgments about whether a building is visually appealing or "fits in."

Importantly, they apply these aesthetic standards broadly—not just on their own block, but wherever housing is proposed.

These theories have clear merits, but also gaps:

Difference between homeowners & renters often aren't large.

& noting that NIMBYism is real leaves open the question of the content of NIMBY concerns and how they can be mitigated.

The US housing shortage is acute & driven by policy. The prevailing explanations for why voters oppose new supply focus on two things:

"Homevoters": Homeowners protecting property values.

"NIMBYism": Neighbors fearing local nuisances (traffic, parking) in their "backyard."
NEW PAPER w/ @cselmendorf.bsky.social & @jkalla.bsky.social:

An under-appreciated reason why voters oppose dense new housing, especially in less-dense neighborhoods: they think it looks ugly and want to prevent that, even in other neighborhoods.

Some of what we think is NIMBYism might not be!
The Berkeley Center for American Democracy is hiring a predoc next year to work with @gabelenz.bsky.social @hrendleman.bsky.social Cecilia Mo & me. Deadline Jan 30.

aprecruit.berkeley.edu/JPF05187
Junior or Assistant Specialist - Department of Political Science
University of California, Berkeley is hiring. Apply now!
aprecruit.berkeley.edu

My Chinese school made a fun video about my Chinese learning journey. Don’t judge the pronunciation, it was filmed in 2023! 🙈

youtube.com/watch?v=Ay4D...
Dr. David Broockman's Learning Journey (Chinese-Speaking Version)
YouTube video by Chinese Language Academy
m.youtube.com
Presidential budget is out. Here's NSF. Biggest cut, by amount, is $1 billion, or 66.8%, from MPS (Physics & Math directorate). nsf-gov-resources.nsf.gov/files/00-NSF...

That's what we mean by "brand"! :)

Will add this to our list to look at! We do have candidate fixed effects so our main specification shouldn't contain any bias from that.

Yes, you can see some of the partisan asymmetry in Fig 1 -- R candidates are much more right than D candidates are left. Ds are to the left of voters, still, but voters see the Ds as even more left than they are -- sign of how the national party brand needs to improve.

Thanks for your questions! Fig 2 has endorsement knowledge -- in primaries it's much higher than policy position knowledge. Endorsements often go to different cands; we should quantify this. And I'll see if we have data on timing!

I'd put my money down for a revised version of #1: moderation on issues where your party is out of step

Some caveats: This is observational data from 27 districts in 2024. Voters might care about other things like compromise or ideology that we didn't study. For issue voting, projection is a threat to causal inference–but we discuss why that’s unlikely to explain our findings.