Thanks! Your work was a big help!

@the-syllabus.bsky.social
@davey.bsky.social

And if you’re interested in dependent development, you’ll love the recent special issue published by @compchange.bsky.social (and guest edited by @aritassinari.bsky.social, @fbulfone.bsky.social, and Aldo Madariaga)

doi.org/10.1177/1024...

13/n

Speaking of other research, the article builds directly on existing research on Big Tech’s power and political influence. See especially:

@lobbycontrol.bsky.social
@corporateeurope.org
@somoamsterdam.bsky.social
@margaridasilva.bsky.social
@maxheermann.bsky.social
@maximilianiras.bsky.social

(In ongoing research, I am exploring the character of this dependence – what exactly do the *economic* aspects of dependent development look like in digital capitalism?)

11/n

But given startups’ economic/technological dependence on Big Tech, it seems unlikely they would ever propose policies that would threaten Big Tech – because doing so would also threaten their own interests.

10/n

… because Big Tech can revoke support whenever their “clients” even think about threatening Big Tech’s interests.

(See the case of the EDRi)
www.ft.com/content/7427...

9/n

(3) given that startups’ political advocacy depends on Big Tech’s resources, it is extremely unlikely that startups will promote policies that reduce dependence on Big Tech…

8/n

(2) reviving analysis of the *political* character of dependency,

this isn’t just about economic relationships or access to certain technologies. Instead, in many contexts, startups’ ability to even constitute a political actor depends on Big Tech’s largesse – which leads to the 3rd upshot 👇

7/n

There are 3 important upshots for dependent development and the politics of digital capitalism

(1) echoing research by @ceciliarikap.bsky.social and others, digital capitalism implies a broader periphery than in past eras – one that includes countries in the historical periphery, like Spain.

6/n

In short, the Big Tech/startup relationship resembles the asymmetric reciprocity characterizing that between patron and client

5/n

Two detailed case studies (Brazil and Spain) show how Big Tech sponsors startup associations, giving them the resources to lobby national policymakers.

I diagnose the Big Tech/startup relationship as patron/client, since the relationship is:
- Dyadic
- Iterative
- Contingent
- Hierarchical

4/n

Where do startup policies come from?

Probably not from startups.

Most can hardly afford to keep the lights on, so how do they afford to lobby for changing national policy?

Answer: Big Tech’s money

3/n

Have you noticed the recent wave of startup policies?

See: Argentina, Bahrain, Brazil, Chile, Croatia, Cyprus, Estonia, India, Malaysia, Mexico, the Philippines, Thailand... also in the historical core: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain – and more!

2/n

Find a correlation with something, publish a political science paper

The UK gov or the car?

I am!

Congratulations, Ben! Looking forward to the work from this