Many thanks again to all who supported this work, provided feedback at various stages, and encouraged me. I'm also grateful to @apsa.bsky.social for supporting my work through the DDRIG Program!

This work has important implications for how we think about the transmission of political inequality over time and calls for a refocus on how political attitudes and behavior develop. Check out the full project: proquest.com/dissertation...

When it comes to program perceptions, I find that welfare programs that provide more stable benefits and are more accessible (e.g., Head Start) tend to be viewed more positively, while those that are more restrictive and targeted (e.g., TANF) are viewed more negatively.

In Chapter 5, I use original survey data to explore economic hardship, civic engagement, & program perceptions. Those who are on welfare as adolescence are more likely to report avoiding politics but tend to think gov't programs are adequate.

In Chapter 4, I find that Black adolescents who were on welfare grow up to hold more liberal views than peers who weren’t on welfare. Youth welfare participation is also linked to greater affective polarization in adulthood, depending on which programs were experienced.

In Chapter 3, I explore state policy context. In states with less punitive programs, Black youth on AFDC are more likely to vote in their first election than their peers not on welfare. That advantage disappears in more punitive states. No effects for white or Hispanic youth.

In the first empirical chapter (in @psjeditor.bsky.social), I identify three pathways linking adolescent welfare participation to voting in adulthood. Using longitudinal data & original qualitative data, I find that non-Hispanic whites on welfare in youth are less likely to vote as adults.

Thanks Sara!

Thank you!

Thank you Noah!

Congratulations, Kyle! 🎉🥳

Could you add me? I appreciate it!