🌬️🍃
LightNews LightNews
banner
jem.writes.fyi
🌬️🍃
@jem.writes.fyi
130 followers 330 following 250 posts
expert mesearcher | arch(l)iving

https://www.joeledmartinez.com/
Posts Replies Media Videos
jem.writes.fyi
i couldn't believe what the water had told me

that man and plant had used to talk

man, i’d do anything to hear the redwoods talk
OP showing new ink, abstract lily flower in black and red colors
November 22, 2025 at 12:34 AM
jem.writes.fyi
still get scared of the weight 🏋🏽‍♂️
November 13, 2025 at 4:12 AM
jem.writes.fyi
"Butler’s illuminating redefinition of gender as a praxis rather than a noun set off bells ringing everywhere! Why not, then, the performative enactment of all our roles in our contemporary Western/Westernized case, gender, race, class/underclass, sexual orientation? All as praxes rather than nouns"
Screenshot from Sylvia Wynter and Katherine McKittrick's chapter "Unparalleled catastrophe for our species? Or, to give humanness a different future: Conversations" (2015). Text: Fanon put forward the idea of our skin/ masks, thereby of the hybridity of our being human, in 1952. Crick and Watson cracked the genetic code in 1953. Now, I argue that Fanon's masks enact a "second set of instructions": that of the sociogenic code of symbolic life/ death. Further, within the overall enactment of each such "second set of instructions," the ism of gender is itself—while only one member class —a founding member class. Gender is a founding member because in order to auto-institute ourselves as subjects of a genre-specific referent-we, we must, first, co-relatedly and perfor-matively enact each such code's "second set of instructions" at the familial level, in terms of our gender roles. We know of this brilliant concept of the performative enactment of gender from Judith Butler 6° I am suggesting that the enactments of such gender roles are always a function of the enacting of a specific genre of being hybridly human, Butler's illuminating redefinition of gender as a praxis rather than a noun, therefore, set off bells ringing ev-erywhere! Why not, then, the performative enactment of all our roles, of all our role allocations as, in our contemporary Western/ Westernized case, in terms of, inter alia, gender, race, class/underclass, and, across them all, sexual orientation? All as praxes, therefore, rather than nouns.
November 13, 2025 at 4:08 AM
jem.writes.fyi
if you don't go outside, well nothing's gonna happen
OP laying in bed, a plant and lamp to the sides of the bed, a big art primary color art piece on the wall above.
November 11, 2025 at 9:58 PM
jem.writes.fyi
"the sixties’ movements were really the first opening phase of the dynamic in which the series of “isms” (initiated by the black antiapartheid struggle for civil rights, women’s rights/feminism, indigenous & other of-color rights, gay & lesbian rights) erupted to challenge Man’s episteme, its truth"
Screenshot from Sylvia Wynter and Katherine McKittrick's chapter "Unparalleled catastrophe for our species? Or, to give humanness a different future: Conversations" (2015). Text: Now with respect to the challenges to the single biocentric model of liberal monohumanist Man, the sixties’ movements were really the first opening phase of the dynamic in which the series of “isms” (initiated by the black antiapartheid struggle for civil rights, women’s rights/feminism, indigenous and other of-color rights, gay and lesbian rights, and so forth) had erupted to challenge Man’s episteme, its truth, and therefore its biocentric descriptive statement. And momentarily, they were making these challenges all together. Ah, but when you separate them, you retreat into the bourgeois order of things. And that was the remimeticized Bovaryism trap into which we all fell.39 The sixties’ movements had begun that whole ripping apart of the emperor’s clothes—and remember, the sixties movements had been fueled by the earlier anticolonial movements all over the world, which had climaxed in Vietnam, Algeria, and elsewhere. All such humanly emancipatory struggles, all then so fiercely fought for! You bring them together, and the world system had begun to question itself!
November 6, 2025 at 4:24 AM
jem.writes.fyi
"Turn. The. Volume. Up."
screenshot of Zohran Mamdani's victory speech
November 5, 2025 at 4:42 AM
jem.writes.fyi
s i é n t a t e
OP taking a mirror selfie, sitting on a dark couch in a cream colored room, colorful art and hexagonal wooden art on the wall behind OP, wearing colorful tanktop, grey pants, beige sliders
November 3, 2025 at 3:17 AM
jem.writes.fyi
🥁 ahora, los tambores 🥁
October 25, 2025 at 2:03 PM
jem.writes.fyi
300lbs 🏋🏽‍♂️
October 17, 2025 at 11:10 PM
jem.writes.fyi
circuit @ crossfit 😂🏋🏽‍♂️💃🏽
October 9, 2025 at 12:02 AM
jem.writes.fyi
magic en el acuario
October 5, 2025 at 2:19 PM
jem.writes.fyi
seeing cambios 🏋🏽‍♂️
OP selfie at a gym bathroom mirror, wearing blue tank top and light blue shorts, smiling and holding up a peace sign
September 26, 2025 at 9:16 PM
jem.writes.fyi
"We need to slow down. Block the machine. Punch holes in the present to throw open up a temporal multiplicity. Go somewhere else/ this can be accomplished by secretly fashioning a soul for ourselves through our encounter with other souls"
Screenshot from Josep Rafanell I Orra 's Against Liberal Fascism Text: "In the terminal stage of modernity that we are now passing through, a regime of super-acceleration has locked us paradoxically into a nauseous presentism. Tomorrow is already today. We need to slow down. Block the machine. Punch holes in the present to throw open up a temporal multiplicity. Go somewhere else. But there are no more elsewheres that are not prey to the violence of planetary metropolization. Consequently, if revolutionary gestures can still be renewed, it’s by bringing these elsewheres into our here and now, by extending and differentiating [en faisant différer] the everyday worlds that we share. In the universal regime of overexposure of the self that dis-spirits the world, this can be accomplished by secretly fashioning a soul for ourselves through our encounter with other souls."
September 21, 2025 at 6:26 PM
jem.writes.fyi
“In the city, a garden can offer a sliver of the natural world. The sculptures reimagine and subvert our expectations of nature.

They prompt us to wonder, who has access to gardens in a city, and what does that look like?”
Another photo of an art gallery for Ming Fay. A corner of a room has been transformed into a whimsical garden, oversized veggies and fruits lay on the floor (peppers, anise, cherry) alongside colorful skinny trees as the sun shine from the window wall it is next to flickers against the objects, leaving intricate shadows on the wall. On the floor is a plaque that reads: “Public Art In spring 1990, Ming Fay installed these three sprouts in Petrosino Square, a small rectangular park just north of Little Italy in New York City. Depicting flowers and sprouts shooting up from the ground, the work was both a public art installation and a garden. In the city, a garden can offer a sliver of the natural world. However, Fay chose to make the flowers’ surfaces shiny and plastic-like emphasizing the human-made qualities through abstraction of color, form, and texture. The sculptures reimagine and subvert our expectations of nature. They prompt us to wonder, who has access to gardens in a city, and what does that look like?”
September 20, 2025 at 12:30 PM
jem.writes.fyi
“a garden is a message, reflecting human desires and the search for an ideal state”
OP standing in an art gallery for Ming Fay. Standing looking up smiling in the center of a room that has been transformed into a colorful garden with fruits and undefinable objects of various shapes and sizes. Some look like small pointy trees on the floor, others look like cornucopias hanging from the ceiling above.
September 20, 2025 at 12:30 PM
jem.writes.fyi
always.
Photo of framed art, a melting frozen water cube on a pink background
September 19, 2025 at 3:15 PM
jem.writes.fyi
Nazism “energized a whole series of connections between the individual and the mass, through the intermediaries of the different segments of the social machine (the party, the army, the family). It made connections tranversally, like a rhizome, cutting across existing divisions”
Screenshot from Brown, Steven D., and Peter Lunt. “A Genealogy of the Social Identity Tradition: Deleuze and Guattari and Social Psychology.” British Journal of Social Psychology(2002) It is commonly assumed that Nazism gained its power by creating a monolithic hierarchical state structure, with Hitler and his cronies at its apex. This would involve the mass deployment of exclusive disjunctive syntheses, like that of Aryan to Non-Aryan. And this— the use of clear social categories to engineer intergroup differentiation- is precisely what social identity theory offers us by way of explanation. But Deleuze and Guattari suggest something different: Hitler took power, rather than taking over the German State administration ... because from the beginning he had at his disposal micro-organizations giving him an unequalled, irreplaceable ability to penetrate every cell of society, in other words, a molecular and supple segmentarity (Deleuze & Guattari, 1988, p. 214). Nazism may have eventually erected a hierarchical state mechanism, but it did not gain its power this way. Rather, what it did was to energize a whole series of connections between the individual and the mass, through the intermediaries of the different segments of the social machine (the party, the army, the family. It made connections tranversally, like a rhizome, cutting across existing divisions. It actually overturned or "decoded' existing social categories by linking together a whole series of multiple and provisional identifications between workers, the party and the nation. In this sense Nazism was able to present itself as a kind of liberating force. Hence, we no longer need to explain why the German population was duped or cajoled into their own domination by Nazism, but instead to trace how an organization of desires at the molecular level took place: The masses certainly do not passively submit to power; nor do they 'want to be repressed, in a kind of masochistic hysteria; nor are they tricked by an ideological lure. Desire is never separable from complex assemblages that necessarily tie into molecular levels, from microformations already shaping postures, attitudes, perceptions, expectations ... a whole supple segmentarity that processes molecular energies and gives desire a fascist determination (Deleuze & Guattari, 1988, p. 215). Nazism promised to allow desires for the development of productive capacities and new forms of expression by decoding existing social arrangements. It shaped 'molecular energies' by introducing new transversal links— the worker could view himself or herself, as a party member, as participating in a very public form of politics. This was done through making a cascade of connections and provisional disjunctions in the workplace, the neighbourhood, the local party and the family. But what Nazism then did was to convert or 'recode' these connections and provisional disjunctions into a hierarchical state machine organized around brutal and retrograde exclusive disjunctions (e.g. Aryan-Jew; Nation-Europe). Nazism then ultimately arrived at just the kind of 'hard, clear' categories Tajfel identified. But this comes towards the end of the process, not at the start. Intergroup differentiation is a symptom, an outcome of the Nazi state machine, rather than its cause. The contribution that social psychology can make to understanding Nazism is then to show how the process of organizing desires actually operates.
September 18, 2025 at 2:02 AM
jem.writes.fyi
next up ✍🏽

(always so/too much to say 😔)
Screenshot of a title page “Seeing like a border: Occupied minds, illegalized lives”
September 11, 2025 at 10:59 AM
jem.writes.fyi
new pr 🤪: 180 🏋🏽‍♂️
September 9, 2025 at 12:08 AM
jem.writes.fyi
"liberal states were able to perfect fascist policies & allow them to be deployed even within a democratic framework, been able to build an industry around crime & insecurity as justifications for the establishment of these policies/

latent fascisms rely on preexisting democratic legal frameworks”
Screenshot from quoted/linked article "New Fascisms and the Reconfiguration of the Global Counterrevolution" "Among their important conclusions is that what sets the "new fascisms" apart from those of the past is not their emergence within the framework of democracy, which was already true of their 20th century predecessors. Rather, the difference lies in how contemporary liberal states "were able to perfect fascist policies and allow them to be deployed even within a democratic framework, to the point that they have been able to build an industry around crime and insecurity as justifications for the establishment of these policies." In this respect, it is all the more striking that criticism of the fascistic tendencies of the Trump administration has not been accompanied by a thoroughgoing critique of democracy; instead, the progressive left has persisted in its wrongheaded belief in the total opposition between democracy and fascism. In the final analysis, the authors argue, this recognition of the reliance of latent fascisms upon preexisting democratic legal frameworks serves as a necessary precondition for thinking through the requirements of any possible communist revolution today, understood here as the practical abolition of capitalist social relations through the production of immediate measures that suppress its rigidly imposed social separations and fragmentation."
September 7, 2025 at 8:16 PM
jem.writes.fyi
living so quietly, letting myself unleash
in america
Op wearing green shorts and tank top against a red brick wall with two dark red inlets to the left and right of them, sun is shining down casting OP’s body shadows on the wall. Looking at the camera smiling, head cocked to one side, holding a small grey gym bag to the front by both hands, legs are crossed with both feet pointed.
September 6, 2025 at 9:34 PM
jem.writes.fyi
"This gift forms nothing, a radical departure from theorizations of different ways to be, more or less, the same subject/ To form nothing is to take seriously that having no form, abandoning ontological ground, is the desedimentation of the ontological ground

And that is whence we must begin anew."
Screenshot from Marquis Bey "The Problem of the Negro as a Problem for Gender" Text: But the gift persists, here, in the problematics of the Negro and the trans as modalities of desedimentation that might quite literally free us from ourselves or cultivate the possibility for non-ontological being-indeed, da Silva's "being-in-the-world anew." This gift forms nothing, da Silva says, a radical departure from theorizations of different ways to be, more or less, the same subject. For her hacked X, a gendered theorization of the X, to form nothing is to seriously claim that we are not looking to "center black women" or simply posit black people or black women as the ground for theorizing done on the same logics, for these are still ensnared in the logics of opposition, or ontology, or some kind of purity, whether that -purity is a pristine whiteness or brooding categorical blackness. To form nothing is to take seriously that having no form, abandoning the ontological ground, is the desedimentation of the ontological ground. And that is whence we must begin anew.
September 6, 2025 at 2:38 PM
jem.writes.fyi
"What would it mean to reject, as an ethical imperative, ontological grounds of legibility/ to reject things given to us as our existence even though theyre violences-racial identities predicated on racial distinction & taxonomies, gender identities predicated on gender distinction & gender binary?"
Screenshot from Marquis Bey "The Problem of the Negro as a Problem for Gender" Text: "WHAT WOULD IT MEAN to possibly reject, as we seem to be called to do in Chandler's text-not to mention da Silva and Derrida, Moten and Spillers, among others-the grounds that provide our legibility? No, dead ass: what would it mean to reject, as an ethical imperative, ontological grounds of legibility, rooted in purity and demarcation, which is to say to reject the things given to us as our existence even though, I would submit, those things are violences-racial identities predicated on racial distinction and taxonomies, gender identities predicated on gender distinction and the gender binary? What would it mean not to recapitulate the very logics we are seeking to undermine even if the refusal of recapitulation makes us uncomfortable?"
September 6, 2025 at 2:38 PM
jem.writes.fyi
“By occupation of the senses, I refer to technologies that manage language, sight, sound, time & space in the colony; the settler colony uses sensory stimuli in a confrontational manner & with the aim of invading the realm of experience of the colonized”

https://www.sci-hub.ren/10.1093/bjc/azw066
Screenshot from Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian “The Occupation of the senses: The prosthetic and aesthetic of state terror” This article examines the occupation of the senses of the colonized in occupied East Jerusalem (OEJ). By occupation of the senses', I refer to technologies that manage language, sight, sound, time and space in the colony; the administration of who acts, who speaks, who gives birth and how, and who walks/moves/drives where and how; and what kind of language, music, smells, marches, colours, cultures and scenes are promoted and inscribed over the spaces, lives and bodies of the colonized. Thus, my inquiry is concerned with the ways in which the settler colony uses sensory stimuli in a confrontational manner and with the aim of invading the realm of experience of the colonized, producing exclusivity and hegemony on the basis of cultural, religious, national and security claims (Mbembe 1992). Dominant criminological approaches privilege the study of interpersonal crime, policing criminality and terrorism, fear of crime, and other related trends of crime prevention and punishment. This article examines an ignored field of criminology that studies violent aesthetics, the aesthetics of violence and, more precisely, criminal- ity against the senses. Art, graffiti, parades, music and advertisements, in addition to spaces such as streets, churches, mosques and city centres, are important sites for criminological inquiry. The sovereign's everyday acts of policing such spaces, which produce social and political separation, present an explicit aesthetic narrative of control that privileges one group over another. The study of criminalities enacted in the sensory realm raises troubling complexities for theorizations of crime and punishment. Critical criminology must further investigate the ways in which images of power, aesthetics of violence and theatricalities of control invade the senses of oppressed populations. By considering state performances of criminalities against the senses, the present article examines how the sovereign constructs, labels and communicates the inherent 'born criminality' of otherized groups. My central argument is that in order to understand colonial violence as it manifests itself in the occupation of the senses and its inscription of pain onto the bodies and lives of the colonized (Ihmoud 2015; Sayigh 2015; Shihade 2015), we must go beyond traditional examinations of relations of domination and control. Not only through occupation of territory and the building of walls, checkpoints and other modes of separation are state apparatuses multiplied, transformed, circulated and deployed to further produce the prominence and exclusivity of the colonizer's regime (Hammami 2015; Rouhana 2015), but also through sensory and embodied means. Utilizing various sensory phenomena (e.g. graffiti, sound, vocabulary, narratives, smells), the settler colony institutionalizes itself to cement its legitimacy and hegemony.
August 27, 2025 at 12:23 PM
jem.writes.fyi
"Fascism, in its many forms did not hesitate to kill its own citizens as well as its colonial subjects in its search for ideological and political closure. Millions of civilians perished on a global scale during the apogee of fascist ideologies in Europe and beyond."
Screenshot of introduction to On Fascist Ideology by Federico Finchelstein “Fascism is a political ideology that encompassed totalitarianism, state terrorism, imperialism, racism and, in the German case, the most radical genocide of the last century: the Holocaust. Fascism, in its many forms did not hesitate to kill its own citizens as well as its colonial subjects in its search for ideological and political closure. Millions of civilians perished on a global scale during the apogee of fascist ideologies in Europe and beyond. In historical terms, fascism can be defined as a movement and a regime. Emilio Gentile - who, with Zeev Sternhell and George Mosse,? is the most insightful historian of fascism - presents fascism as a modern revolutionary phenomenon that was nationalist and revolutionary, anti-liberal and anti-Marxist. Gentile also presents fascism as being typically organized in a militaristic party that had a totalitarian conception of state politics, an activist and anti-theoretical ideology as well as a focus on virility and anti-hedonistic mythical foundations. For Gentile a defining feature of fascism was its character as a secular religion which affirms the primacy of the nation understood as an organic and ethnically homogenous community. Moreover, this nation was to be hierarchically organized in a corporativist state endowed with a war-mongering vocation that searches for a politics of national expansion, potency and conquest. Fascism, in short, was not a mere reactionary ideology. Rather, fascism aimed at creating a new order and a new civilization.3
August 26, 2025 at 11:12 PM