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This is a problem we'd effectively solved in 2005; and has deteriorated substantially in the last 5 years. So I don't think demand-side args have enough explanatory force
This is a problem we'd effectively solved in 2005; and has deteriorated substantially in the last 5 years. So I don't think demand-side args have enough explanatory force
(while we do see shifts in demography and comorbidities - I don't think sufficiently different from 2005, when we proved we could solve this problem)
(while we do see shifts in demography and comorbidities - I don't think sufficiently different from 2005, when we proved we could solve this problem)
In doing so - they're obscuring the drivers of the problem and leading readers towards ineffective solutions (i.e. more staff, more funding).
In doing so - they're obscuring the drivers of the problem and leading readers towards ineffective solutions (i.e. more staff, more funding).
RCN implies these increases are insufficient due to "increased demand".
But, as we've seen, this is just incorrect!
RCN implies these increases are insufficient due to "increased demand".
But, as we've seen, this is just incorrect!
If there's nowhere to admit patients to, they're either stuck waiting for hours, receive (unsafe) corridor care, or are forced to leave before receiving treatment.
If there's nowhere to admit patients to, they're either stuck waiting for hours, receive (unsafe) corridor care, or are forced to leave before receiving treatment.
The real cause of long waits in A&E is poor patient flow, driven by operational dysfunction in other parts of hospitals.
The real cause of long waits in A&E is poor patient flow, driven by operational dysfunction in other parts of hospitals.
But as @policyskeptic.bsky.social has repeatedly argued, incorrect diagnoses of the *drivers* of poor outcomes are obstacles to solutions which will improve performance.
But as @policyskeptic.bsky.social has repeatedly argued, incorrect diagnoses of the *drivers* of poor outcomes are obstacles to solutions which will improve performance.
notes.archie-hall.com/p/fifteen-th...
www.economist.com/interactive/...
notes.archie-hall.com/p/fifteen-th...
www.economist.com/interactive/...
In October 2018, this figure was 214.
In October 2018, this figure was 214.
We need to reframe this issue as purely 'distributional' and focus on reforms to get people healthier and incentivise work - both a socially progressive and growth-oriented approach
We need to reframe this issue as purely 'distributional' and focus on reforms to get people healthier and incentivise work - both a socially progressive and growth-oriented approach
- this economic inactivity due to ill-health now costs £212bn a year - equiv. to 7% of GDP or 70% of *all tax revenue*
None of this is captured by measuring welfare spend as a % of GDP
- this economic inactivity due to ill-health now costs £212bn a year - equiv. to 7% of GDP or 70% of *all tax revenue*
None of this is captured by measuring welfare spend as a % of GDP
- over 20% of UK working-age adults are out of work and not looking (higher than similar countries like Netherlands)
- since 2019, 800k more people have left work due to ill health, with a further 600k projected by 2030
- over 20% of UK working-age adults are out of work and not looking (higher than similar countries like Netherlands)
- since 2019, 800k more people have left work due to ill health, with a further 600k projected by 2030