Thanks! We are working on it. in the meantime, I am happy to share our draft bilaterally. Have a look at your postbox!

We are working on it. in the meantime, I am happy to share our draft bilaterally. Have a look at your postbox!

Thanks for the engagement with our thoughts! Did my best to respond given the limited characters available.

(4) The nature of the format here implies that things are simplified. Yet, analyses that go further exist. Look for example at works from M. Jankowski, J. Rehmert (on Germany) and S. Franceschet, ML Krook and M. Lühiste (more internationally)

(3) In Germany, only two states tried to introduce mandated quotas for list placements. Internationally, this is a well-established approach &well-researched solution. Instead of ignoring this prominent solution to the issue, I’d argue for taking a careful look to find solutions for the German case.

(2) Certainly, actors act, not institutions. Yet, institutions have the power to create incentives for actors/reinforce behavioral patterns. Scholarly work shows that institutions are not gender neutral but set behavioral incentives that frequently benefit men. The new electoral law is an example.

(1) This is a very technical take. This thought implies that % of women in the Bundestag grew beyond actual levels of gender equality in the political landscape (as an abstract concept). But does this mean we should not debate that we are now moving even further away from the aim of gender parity?

9/ The result? The new electoral law reinforces gender biases and rolls back progress on equal representation. Academic research points to legislated gender quotas as an efficient solution.

8/ 📉 Beyond the electoral system itself, the political shift to the right exacerbates the problem. CDU, CSU, and AfD—parties with relatively few women candidates—are expected to gain seats, while parties with higher women representation will lose.

7/ This is partly because women are often nominated in weaker districts. On average, female candidates win 0.5 percentage points fewer votes than men—small but decisive under the new rules.

6/ Women are more likely to lose direct seats
Under the new system, direct seats are lost if a party wins more districts than their second vote share allows. Women tend to win with narrower margins, making them more vulnerable.

5/ Other parties show the same trend:
🔻 Left Party: -15 percentage points
🔻 Greens: -11 pp
🔻 CDU: -6 pp
🔻 FDP: -5 pp
🔻 AfD: -3 pp

4/ Men dominate top list positions
Fewer list seats lead to tougher competition for top spots. Women are systematically pushed out. In the SPD, 58% of list-elected MPs were women in 2021. In 2025, we see only 36% women on list positions that are promising in the light of the new electoral system.

3/ Fewer list seats, fewer women
The number of list seats will shrink by ~100. This is critical because women win far more list seats (41% in 2021) than direct seats (26% in 2021). A Bundestag with fewer list seats means fewer women in parliament.