www.semrasevi.com
Strong party discipline limits side deals even in the more flexible world of PMBs.
Our study, using a rare real-world lottery, shows:
Legislative support often reflects shared values, not traded favours.
Not all politics is transactional.
Strong party discipline limits side deals even in the more flexible world of PMBs.
Our study, using a rare real-world lottery, shows:
Legislative support often reflects shared values, not traded favours.
Not all politics is transactional.
✅ Shared party
✅ Common values
✅ Constituency interests
In other words: homophily, not horse-trading.
Sometimes, MPs just support what they believe in, not because they expect payback.
✅ Shared party
✅ Common values
✅ Constituency interests
In other words: homophily, not horse-trading.
Sometimes, MPs just support what they believe in, not because they expect payback.
MPs with better lottery spots are slightly more likely to second others, and there's almost no evidence that favours are returned in future parliaments.
MPs with better lottery spots are slightly more likely to second others, and there's almost no evidence that favours are returned in future parliaments.
🔁 Do MPs second each other within the same parliament?
🔄 Do they return favors across different parliaments?
The results?
🔁 Do MPs second each other within the same parliament?
🔄 Do they return favors across different parliaments?
The results?
If reciprocity exists, we’d expect MPs with good lottery spots to second others hoping to get support back when it’s their turn.
If reciprocity exists, we’d expect MPs with good lottery spots to second others hoping to get support back when it’s their turn.
This lets us test:
· Who supports whom
· Whether support gets repaid
· If it’s loyalty, strategy or something else
This lets us test:
· Who supports whom
· Whether support gets repaid
· If it’s loyalty, strategy or something else
When party labels appeared on ballots, voters relied more on partisan cues than indiv. candidate familiarity. Result? The personal edge of incumbents disappeared. Party > Person.
Link: www.cambridge.org/core/journal...
@uoft.bsky.social
When party labels appeared on ballots, voters relied more on partisan cues than indiv. candidate familiarity. Result? The personal edge of incumbents disappeared. Party > Person.
Link: www.cambridge.org/core/journal...
@uoft.bsky.social
Incumbency advantage:
Liberals pre-1972: +16 pts
Conservatives pre-1972: +8 pts (not significant)
Post-1972: Both parties? Advantage vanishes.
Incumbency advantage:
Liberals pre-1972: +16 pts
Conservatives pre-1972: +8 pts (not significant)
Post-1972: Both parties? Advantage vanishes.
FINDING #1: The incumbency advantage shrank dramatically.
✅ Before 1972: Incumbents had a 15-point edge.
❌ After 1972: Just 2 points, and no longer significant.
FINDING #1: The incumbency advantage shrank dramatically.
✅ Before 1972: Incumbents had a 15-point edge.
❌ After 1972: Just 2 points, and no longer significant.
• Candidate names
• Occupations
No party labels. No shortcuts for voters.
Then came a 1970 law: Starting in 1972, ballots began listing party affiliations alongside candidate names.
• Candidate names
• Occupations
No party labels. No shortcuts for voters.
Then came a 1970 law: Starting in 1972, ballots began listing party affiliations alongside candidate names.