ringwiss
@ringwiss.bsky.social
8.1K followers 59 following 2.2K posts
🏳️‍🌈 🇪🇺 🇵🇱 🇬🇧 He/him. Armchair parliamentarian. I type at 140 wpm.
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ringwiss.bsky.social
Replace it with the pro-forma bill!
ringwiss.bsky.social
No harm in drafting gimmicks properly too.
ringwiss.bsky.social
Not that Jared 🙂, and in matters of procedure it’s safe to assume that members just don’t know.
ringwiss.bsky.social
Literally all you have to do is repeal clauses 12(a) and 13 of rule I. You probably would not get a majority for a motion to adjourn right now.
ringwiss.bsky.social
This reminds me of that suggestion that members should ‘vote against every rule until the Speaker agrees to put [a bill] on the floor’.

Why not ‘the House shall meet’? No, the speaker must remain in charge; the only way to do anything is through him. It’s a terrible mentality.
ringwiss.bsky.social
For example, on a day on which the rules required precedence to be given to a discharge motion, the chair was still able to adjourn the House before that could happen.
ringwiss.bsky.social
OK, they’re just ignoring the discharge rule.

It’s disgraceful but not exactly surprising: McCarthy and Johnson have done this before in other contexts involving two-day deadlines.

The House should reconsider whether the speaker should have the unilateral authority to adjourn it.
ringwiss.bsky.social
You’d think that a requirement to have a ‘recorded quorum call’ (i.e., a call of the House; this is not the Senate) every day would alleviate that to some extent, but experience suggests otherwise.
ringwiss.bsky.social
It would only prohibit *motions* to adjourn and take away the speaker’s *recess* authority.

The result would be the absurdity that the speaker could adjourn the House, but the House could not adjourn itself!
ringwiss.bsky.social
The massive problem with this is that it would still leave the speaker’s unilateral adjournment authority in place. The only thing that might change is that you’d have a pro-forma session every day instead of every three days.
ringwiss.bsky.social
(I don’t think there are any profound conclusions to be drawn from this.)
ringwiss.bsky.social
Someday there will be a thread exploring this fully, but TL;DR: the purpose of the previous question in those days was to set aside the main question. The House turned it into a cloture mechanism some years later. If the Senate had retained the rule, who’s to say it would have evolved the same way?
ringwiss.bsky.social
The Senate’s own rules made it possible starting in 1789.
ringwiss.bsky.social
(Anyone who replies with any reference to 1806/Aaron Burr/an accident is getting blocked; that is a myth.)
ringwiss.bsky.social
“And that’s why we nuked it twice in the past month.”
ringwiss.bsky.social
Not exactly a Nobel Prize.
ringwiss.bsky.social
(And Wicker said the same thing in debate.)
ringwiss.bsky.social
Voice vote ≠ unanimity
ringwiss.bsky.social
You know how people say, in reference to Congress, that the rules are not self-enforcing? In general, that is not the case in the House of Commons; it is the duty of the chair to take the initiative in enforcing the rules.
ringwiss.bsky.social
That clip was from the valedictory debate at the end of the last Parliament; in a light-hearted, personal debate like that, the chair might have been more hesitant to interrupt for something relatively trivial like this.
ringwiss.bsky.social
OTOH, as always, given that the Senate has not published its precedents in my lifetime, it’s quite possible that the rule changed without my knowing.
ringwiss.bsky.social
House: ‘For what purpose does the gentlewoman from Vermont seek recognition?’
Senate: ‘And I’ll turn it to the senator from Vermont!’